Tuesday, April 5, 2016

Muslim Women’s Agitation against Patriarchy: will their grievances be redressed?/Irfan Engineer

Shayara Bano, an Indian Muslim woman was married to Rizwan Ahmad on 11th April 2002 and they have a son and a daughter from the wedlock. She was unilaterally divorced by her husband on 10th October 2015 vide a talaqnama (deed of divorce) wherein before two witnesses her husband pronounced the word “talaq” thrice in one breadth without attempting any process of reconciliation thus ending 13 years of their marriage in a stroke. This form of divorce is called as talaq-e-bidat or sinful (but valid) form of divorce. Shehnaz Shaikh (and many others too) was similarly divorced by pronouncement of the word ‘talaq’ thrice by her husband in a fit of anger and thrown out of  their matrimonial house midnight. Shaikh didn’t know where to go at such an odd hour and spent the rest of the night on the staircase of the building. Talaq-e bidat is not only valid form of divorce, it is also irrevocable. This means that the divorced husband and wife cannot be reunited by performing fresh nikah(marriage) even if the husband repents, unless what is termed as halala nikah is performed – that is, the wife marries another man, the marriage is consummated, and the man, as agreed, divorces her by pronouncing the word ‘talaq’ thrice. The repentant husband can then remarry his former wife whom he had divorced by talaq-e-bidat.
Shayara Bano decided to invoke the writ jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India and pray for declaring talaq-e-bidathalala nikah and polygamy permissible under shari’a (Muslim family laws) as un-Constitutional and discriminatory. Unlike challenges to the shari’a in previous judicial proceedings, Shayara Bano does not pray that the entireshari’a be declared null and void nor does she pray for a Uniform Civil Code to be enacted. Bano seeks relief only against the rough edges of Muslim family law in so far as they are discriminatory against Muslim women – talaq-e-bidathalala nikah and polygamy – be  declared un-Constitutional as it violates their fundamental rights. talaq-e-bidat is not the only form of divorce in Islam and is in fact considered sinful. It was a pre-Islamic practice which was re-validated much later. Quran prescribes a procedure for divorce which entails arbitration and reconciliation aftertalaq is pronounced by the husband. “And if you fear a separation between the two of them, appoint an arbitrator from his family and an arbitrator from her family. If they desire reconciliation, Allah will bring them into agreement. Verily Allah is Knowing, Knowledgeable.” [Qur’an4:35]. “A divorce is only permissible twice: after that, the parties should either hold together on equitable terms, or separate with kindness” [Qur’an 2:229]. If talaq-e-bidat is not in accordance with the procedure prescribed by the Quran, the issue of halala nikah will not be an issue.
Polygamy also is not prescribed for all Muslim men; it was permitted in certain circumstances (in order to do justice to orphans whose affairs they may be dealing with). Unless a Muslim man is marrying to do justice to orphans, the norm laid down is to marry only one. “If ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with the orphans, marry two, or three, or four; but if ye fear that ye shall not be able to deal justly with them, then only one... that will be more suitable, to prevent you from doing injustice.” [Qur’an 4:3] Monogamy is the norm and polygamy is an exception with the objective of doing justice to the orphans and with the strict condition that all are treated justly. However the Qur’an [4:129] warns “Ye are never able to be fair and just as between women even if it is your ardent desire”. When Bano challenges talaq-e-bidathalala nikahand polygamy as un-Constitutional, it is not against the spirit of Islam.
Islam, Gender justice, marriage and divorce:
The normative framework of the Qur’an is gender justice. There are certain contextual verses which may be interpreted to give superior rights to men, but they are more contextual than the norm viz. that economic position of women in Arabia was weaker. Men therefore had corresponding liability to maintain and protect women. Verse 2:228 (the Qur’an) states “And women shall have rights similar to the rights against them in a just manner” This must have been a revolutionary declaration and unsettled the society which treated women as mere chattels. Qur’an for the first time refers to rights of women. Qur’an reveals (verse 4:1) that “Mankind! Revere your guardian Lord, who created you from a single being (min nafsin wahidatin), created of like nature, his mate and scattered countless men and women...” Men and women are equal in creation itself.
Qur’an gave women same rights that were before revelation available only to men: right to divorce at will and without obtaining consent of her husband after a suitable compensation, viz. returning her dower (the Prophet permitted Jamila to free herself from the marriage as she did not like her husband even though she admitted that he loved her immensely and was very generous to her in bearing her expenditure); talaq-e-tafwidh or delegated right to divorce wherein the husband delegates his right to divorce to his wife at the time of nikaah; right to appoint arbitrator to settle a marital dispute or to divorce (verse 4:35); Qura’an commands men keep their wives in a goodly manner or to leave them with benevolence (4:19); Women cannot be married off against their will (4:19) and even if treasures had been given in dower, not to take it back (4:20); God addresses both believing men and believing women  and command them to be protectors of one another and are called to enjoin what is just, observe regular prayers, practice regular charity and obey God and His Apostle and on them will God shower his mercies (9:71). Verse 33:35 addresses “Muslim men and women, for believing men and women, for devout men and women, for true men and women, for men and women who are patient and constant, for men and women who humble themselves, for men and women who give in charity, for men and women who fast (and deny themselves), for men and women who guard their chastity, and for men and women who engage much in God’s praise – for them God prepared forgiveness and great reward.”
Women have their financial independence, including right to work and earn (4:32). Women can serve as Qadi and have fought wars. In the battle of Uhud, Umm ‘Umarah protected the Prophet from being harmed. Umm ‘Umarah took sword in her hand and attacked one who tried to come near the Prophet and pierced the sword into his body. She was, therefore, popularly known as ‘woman of Uhud’. We also have to instance of Ghazalah, a Kharijite woman who was known for her bravery and who challenged Yusuf bin Hajjaj in the battle, an Umayyad governor who was feared by all Arabs. Hazrat Ayesha, wife of the Prophet led an army riding a camel in the battle which later became famous as the ‘Battle of Camel’.  The patriarchal mindset in the society in general and of the religious jurists in particular found a way out of these verses and explained away using hadith – genuine and not so genuine – and continued their patriarchal traditions and cultural practices.
Muslim Personal Law Board:
The Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) has intervened in the petition and claimed that shari’a is divinely ordained and cannot countenance any interference by human agencies like judiciary or legislature. They further submitted that Muslim family law was protected by Art. 25 of the Constitution which gives all persons in India freedom of conscience to practice their religion. By defending talaq-e-bidat,halala nikah and polygamy as a right of Muslim men, the AIMPLB is clearly defending the indefensible practices which are not in accordance with the Qur’an as is evident from the aforesaid. The AIMPLB is in fact defending the practices that were pre-Islamic and which Islam wanted reformed.
The issue for AIMPLB is not defence of talaq-e-bidathalala nikah and polygamy, as these practices are not essential or farz (obligatory) or evenwajib (recommended), not even mustabah (desirable act). These practices at best may be called mubah (neither recommended nor prohibited for which there is neither reward not punishment) or makruh(undesirable in Islamic law and discouraged) if not haram (totally forbidden). However, if the courts adjudicate on what the shari’a should or should not be and Indian legislature legislate on family laws for Muslims – whether or not according to Islamic law, the conservative religious leadership would find it difficult to be relevant except in leading the community in prayers and giving religious instructions. They would cede a major area to secular institutions and loosen their hegemony over the socio-economically most backward community in India. The AIMPLB was formed on 7th April 1973 in a convention held in Hyderabad. The convention was organised in the background of Adoption Bill being tabled in the Parliament by the then Law Minister H R Gokhale who stated that the bill was first step towards Uniform Civil Code. As religious leadership of all fiqhs (jurisprudential schools of law), who otherwise do not see eye-to-eye as each one claims to be superior over other, assembled in Deoband on 27th and 28th of April as they saw a threat to their leadership and in principle decided to constitute AIMPLB.
The stated objective of AIMPLB is “To take effective steps to protect the Muslim Personal Law in India and for the retention, and implementation of the Shariat Act”. Interestingly, the Shariat Act that they want to defend is not divine! It is a legislation enacted in 1937 during colonial period and shari’a as applied by the courts under colonial rule presided by British Judges.
The second objective of the AIMPLB is “To strive for the annulment of all such laws, passed by or on the anvil in any State Legislature or Parliament, and such judgments by courts of Law which may directly or indirectly amount to interference in or run parallel to the Muslim Personal Law or, in the alternative, to see that the Muslims are exempted from the ambit of such legislations.” The second objectives essentially means that the AIMPLB would defend status-quo and even those family laws that may not be in accordance with the spirit and values of Islam but are being applied since colonial rule and by the British Judges and as they understood what Islam was. Moreover, the colonial power adjudicated shari’a laws with the objective of divide the Hindus and Muslims and rule the country. Interpretation of every law is dynamic and evolves according to the times. Same is the case with our comprehension of meaning of verses in the Qur’an which continuously evolves as frontiers of our knowledge expand. However, the objective of the AIMPLB is to ensure that the legislatures and courts in India do not “interfere” directly or indirectly or “run parallel” to the “Muslim Peronal Law”. Not one of their several objectives is to strive to evolve understanding of Qur’anic verses and its guidance to human beings in the changing context. Neither they would undertake ijtihad (independent reasoning) nor would they allow others to undertake it.
That is why, many Muslim majority countries, including Pakistan and Bangladesh have done away with talaq-e-bidathalala nikah and regulated polygamy to exceptional cases if not completely abolished it. However, the AIMPLB’s objective is to secure annulment of any law passed by legislature or judgments of courts which even indirectly amount to interference in the family laws applicable to Muslims, whether or not they are within the Qur’anic and Islamic framework. The AIMPLB is guarding the hegemonic interests, turf and terrain of the Ulemas and the plea they take is that Muslim Personal Law as legislated during the colonial period and interpreted by the British Courts is divine.
Divinity of shari’a
The claim of AIMPLB that shari’a is divine is far from the truth. There are human elements in shari’a, particularly in comprehending and understanding the true import of the Qur’anic verses. That is the reason why there are several fiqhs or schools of jurisprudence and they all have different rules. The two major divisions among fiqh are Shi’a and Sunni. Among the Shi’as, the major fiqhs are – Ja’fari, Batini, Tayyebi-Musta’liyya, Nizar’iya, Zaydis and Isma’lis. Among the Sunnis, the major fiqhs are – Hanafi, Hanbali, Sha’afi, Maliki and Zahiri besides other minor fiqhs. Talaq-e-bidat and halala nikah is largely permissible within the Haafi fiqh. In other fiqhs talaq-e-bidat and halala nikah is not even permissible. Similarly, mutah nikah (nikah or marriage for a fixed duration after which talaq is ipso facto) is permissible among Shi’a fiqhs but not in Sunni fiqhs. It is evident from the existence of diverse fiqhs following different laws that human interpretation and comprehension of divine laws is part of shari’a and therefore diverse.
While Qur’an is an important source of shari’a, it is not the only source. The other sources are hadith (pronouncements of the Prophet), qiyas(deductive analogy) and ijma (consensus of the Muslim community).Qiyas, enables the mujtahid (qualified Muslim jurist who interprets law) to use deductive analogy, understand the application of Qur’anic verses and hadith in a known case and compare and distinguish circumstances to create an injunction in a new situation. When a situation arises wherein there is neither any guidance from Qur’an, nor anything in the hadith literature, and no parallel situation to deduce from, then reliance is to be placed on the general consensus among the learned of the community. This source is called as ijma.
For example, when the issue of permissibility of organ transplant in Islam arose, there was nothing in Qur’an or hadith literature to guide. The Muslim jurists got together and developed a consensus that under certain circumstances organ transplant was permissible on the doctrine of necessity – which permits even things that are forbidden under dire necessity. As human reasoning is involved, and even encouraged in Islam, diverse fiqhs evolved and became integral part of shari’a. That Prophet himself was in favour of reasoning and evolution of shari’a is evident from the well-known tradition of Prophet. When the Prophet sent Mu’adh bin Jabal as governor of Yemen as well as dispenser of justice, the Prophet asked Mu’adh, ‘according to what shall you judge? Mu’adh replied, ‘According to the Qur’an’. He was further asked, ‘and if there is nothing therein?’ ‘According to the finest tradition of the Prophet’, Mu’adh replied. The Prophet then asked, ‘and if you find nothing therein?’ Mu’adh replied, ‘then I shall strive to interpret with my reason’. Hearing this, the Prophet said, ‘praise be to God who has favoured the messenger (Mu’adh) of His Messenger (Prophet) with what His Messenger is willing to approve’.
In India, Islamic jurisprudence was an evolving science till the colonization of the country under British. The Warren Hastings’ Plan of 1772 provided for establishment of civil and criminal courts and protected the right of Hindus and Muslims to apply their own personal laws in inheritance, marriage etc. In the year 1791 under directions of Hastings, Charles Hamilton translated from Arabic the Hedaya (The Guide) into English. With the reliance of the British courts on written text, the evolution of shari’a came to a halt.
AIMPLB’s plea of divinity is a ruse to ensure that shari’a does not evolve further and is not implemented in true Qur’anic spirit of justice and to achieve Islamic ideals of human dignity, brotherhood and sisterhood and equality. That is why they are resisting Bano’s petition before the Supreme Court. What the AIMPLB is defending is notshari’a, which encompasses all human activities and is ever evolving. AIMPLB is defending sectarian schools of jurisprudence, in the present case Hanafi fiqh. The fiqhs require taqlid, i.e. unquestioningly submitting to the jurisprudential authorities and past precedents irrespective of ever changing circumstances.
Muslim women’s struggle for gender justice:
It is worth visiting some of the fatwas (opinions of the jurists) issued by the muftis (those who are trained in Islamic jurisprudence and authorize to issue fatwas), even though they are not binding. Given the socio-economic and educational backwardness of the community, these fatwascannot be ignored, particularly those against the women who find themselves in a hopeless and helpless situation. In the year 2010 there was a fatwa of Darul-ul-Uloom Deoband opining that Muslim women working in establishments which required interaction with male colleagues was haram (forbidden). An all Kashmiri girls’ music band was called haram by another fatwa. There have been fatwas banning Muslim women from exercising their voting rights, contesting elections, viewing most channels on TV or listening to music. In the Imrana case,fatwa was issued directing Imrana who was sexually assaulted by her father-in-law to be divorced as she was now haram to her husband.Fatwas have upheld divorce when given in fit of anger, or under influence of liquor, in a fit of anger, via text messages, over telephone and in one case even in a dream.
Muslim women’s organizations have agitated against such interpretations of Islam. They have engaged with the religious leadership, including the AIMPLB. Uzma Naheed from IQRA International Women’s Association has been engaging with the religious leadership for quite some time and even finds some Ulema to be sympathetic. The only difference her long engagement and hard efforts to reason with the religious leadership in general and AIMPLB in particular is for all to see – MLPB has opposed Bano’s petition in Supreme Court for a declaration that talaq-e-bidat is null and void. The only silver lining in the otherwise dark cloud is that a tiny minority of women have now been included as members of the AIMPLB, including Uzma Naheed.
Bhartiya Muslim Mahila Aandolan (BMMA) has been agitating for rights of Muslim women within the Islamic framework. Having membership of about one lakh Muslim women, they have come a long way. Organizing Annual conventions and flagging issues of Muslim women, they have established Shari Adalat wherein women Qadis try to adjudicate matrimonial disputes brought before them by Muslim women in accordance with Qur’anic principles. However, Shari Adalats have achieved limited success as it is difficult to get men to attend counselling and if they do, it is difficult to convince them about equal rights of women in Qur’an given the fatwas of religious leadership which favour them. BMMA has also developed a model nikaahnama wherein marriages are solemnized on equitable terms to both and the husband delegates his right to divorce to his wife and agrees not to go in for second wife during the lifetime of their marriage.
BMMA has also approached the Government to bring in suitable legislation against talaq-e-bidathalala nikah and polygamy. Islamic scholar Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer, Institute of Islamic Studies and BMMA collaborated to draft a legislation regarding Muslim family affairs within the Qur’anic framework taking the best provisions from various fiqhs and Muslim majority countries. Dr. Asghar Ali Engineer has consulted Muslim scholars and debated with them before evolving this draft legislation. He approached the AIMPLB to discuss the draft legislation proposed by him but they did not show any interest whatsoever.
SAHIYO, a group of Bohra (Shi’a Muslim) community women have written letters to their religious leadership to stop the practice of Female Genital Mutilation, but the religious leadership is only advising the members of SAHIYO not to interact with media as that brings a bad name to the community.
What options are the victims of patriarchal Muslim religious leadership – Muslim women – left with except to agitate before courts and secular institutions of secular democratic country which is duty bound to ensure non-discrimination on grounds of gender and religion and ensure that women are treated with dignity and as right bearers and not as chattels.

 Irfan Engineer

Director, 
Centre for Study of Society and Secularism


Monday, June 1, 2015

IIT Madras - Parivaar proving its venomous potential

The Ambedkar Periyar study circle row once again drives home the point that the parivaar are least suited to govern this diverse country and are sure to wreak havoc.

By stupidly inducing the IIT authorities to ban the study circle, they have allowed all kinds of dubious characters to jump into the arena, saber-rattling and worse. The students’ stridency will go up multifold now, polarizing the campus further.

Some right-wingers write anonymously to The Human Resources Development (HRD) ministry, complaining of the activities of the circle,  and the ministry very solicitously forwards the letter to the Madras IIT authorities, who promptly crack down, setting off furious protests.

Whether they have enough sense to revoke the ban or not, tension in the student community will most certainly be exacerbated.

Now, let us face it, Brahmins have a stranglehold on the upper echelons of the administration.  Many of them might have made it big by sheer dint of merit, but over the years they did begin to operate as a clique.

Observers say the 27 per cent reservation was the first jarring note – in that the Brahmins wielding power didn’t appreciate the move and did their best to stall it, by claiming autonomous status, but  on the student admission front they had to give in.

Indeed the Dalit quota itself remains unfilled in many IITs on the ground the aspirants don’t fulfill certain minimum conditions.

IITs everywhere do offer what is called a preparatory courses to help Dalit students prepare, even that doesn’t help much. How effectively preparatory courses are run is also a  moot point.
 Students find it very stressful, many opt out and seats go abegging .



Navayana editor Anand, cited in the First Post piece, is a rabble-rouser and whatever he writes should be take in with shovelsful of salt, still there is a distinct pattern of discrimination against Dalits in IITs.

Even if the benefit of doubt can be given to the authorities on the issue of admission of Dalit students, in the case of faculty appointments, they do stall endlessly and make a mockery of reservations.

Take the case of Prof Vasantha Kandasamy 

https://mat.iitm.ac.in/home/wbv/public_html/Press,%20Links.htm

She had to face a lot of problems before being accorded justice



It was Vasantha Kandasamy who led the crusade against the Brahmin hegemony. Am not competent to comment on her  academic credentials, but the fact remains she has been discriminated against and successive administrations have done their bit to humiliate her.

Most agree that it was during the stewardship of  M S Ananth the caste spat turned ugly and the right-
wingers began to dominate the campus scene.

And this Ananth’s own credentials are dubious.


But he managed to have first order reversed, appealing to a division bench.


There has been a spate of articles in the media on the unhappy scenario: https://oomai.wordpress.com/2006/05/18/dalits-bcs-suffer-under-brahminical-dictatorship-in-iit-madras/
Nothing was ever done to remedy the ills plaguing the prestigious institution even during the UPA time. It has become worse since.

If Periyar-Ambedkar circle was vitiating what was this man doing in the halloed precincts?


And what is Vande Mataram circle doing there?


Did not Bhakts seek to heckle Teesta Setalvad and see this malicious piece against her


And this happened in Kharagpur: https://youtu.be/akggWtLMui0
But those behind the circle have repudiated strongly: The Fifth Estate (official news body of IITM) has written an article regarding the incident in IITM on de-recognition of APSC. The article has several factual mistakes and offers a completely biased view.
1. The article states, "The DoSt, however, was clear about the reason for derecognizing APSC. Being the Faculty Advisor for the student body, he mentioned that they violated the Institute’s guidelines". It also has a photo of the guidelines. (attached here)
First, Dean (Students) is not our faculty advisor.
Second, according to the SAC Speaker, that particular guidelines was not approved by Students' Affairs Council, IITM and is invalid. (attached screenshot of the mail from Speaker_SAC).
2. It says, " the Dean pointed out that they had used IITM’s name and logo on publicity material without adequate permission" and provides a link to APSC poster (poster attached here). 
Since, the guidelines are invalid, the accusation regarding "usage of IITM name" is also invalid.
Moreover, the event on the poster was on 10th October 2014. But mail from Dean (Students) regarding usage of IITM logo arrived only on 22/11/2014
3. The article says, "Some of these activities antagonised a section of students, who anonymously sent a letter of complaint to MHRD complaining against the activities of APSC after their recent alleged involvement in the distribution (it was shared via their Facebook profile) of pamphlets titled, “Manu Dharma Reign’s IIT Madras” at the Main Gate of IITM on 13th May."
First, APSC was not involved in distribution of that poster/pamphlet. We clarified this to the T5E correspondent. But even after that, it was written as it is, deliberately.
Second, there is a logical flaw in this. The complaint to MHRD was sent on 29/4/2014. But the above mentioned poster was shared on APSC page on 13/5/2014. How could this poster have been the reason behind that complaint?
Clearly the right-wingers are taking a lot of liberty with facts. So why should not the demagogues pay back in their own coin?

Am stressing the emergence of the strident Ambedkar-Periyar circle and the strong language they might use should be seen in such a background, not in isolation.

If you can have a godman or a Gurumurthy hold forth why not a Teesta or a Periyar circle? If you are going to vegetarianize the canteen, why wont the non-vegetarians object? If you wont honour reservations in letter and spirit, why would not some denounce the Brahmin/upper caste hegemony?

Modi, an expert on action-reaction theory, should know better than allowing his Yale doctorate to further stoke the embers.

With  Kanimozhis and others jumping into the bandwagon of protest now, the study circle could widen and their members could turn ever more virulent.


Suit case culture is certainly corrosive, but tridents are most destructive.

Saturday, May 30, 2015

444 Days That Shook US


It is 35 years since rebellious Iranian students took over the US embassy, taking hostage over 60 officials and triggering off a chain of reactions, over which they had little control. The world was never going to be the same after that.

Author Mark Bowden calls it the first challenge of militant Islam to western civilization. His Guests of the Ayatollah, published nine years ago, is a masterly account of all that went into the making of that epoch-making event.

Originally a reporter with the Philadelphia Inquirer, he says he interviewed the various personalities
involved for over six years to get down to work on the book.  Painstaking research of an extraordinary kind indeed.

And as repeatedly reviewers point out it is a most gripping account, the book reads like a thriller, almost unputdownable.

But am mentioning the book here more to express my admiration for the author‘ s  perspective.  A quintessential liberal, Bowden doesn’t spare anyone – readily concedes the atrocities of the Shah and the US complicity even while denouncing in no uncertain terms the mad mullahs.

Even more important, he reveals that presidential candidate Ronald Reagan had sought to delay the release of the hostages, in a clumsy attempt to cash in on the resentment of the voters at large.

Yet again he posits possibly the eventual delay had little to do with the initiatives of the Reagan camp, but with the seething hatred of the mullahs for Carter, little realizing what they were doing to their own country in the process.

Remember the damage inflicted on the larger world by Reagan-Thatcher duo. To think that Khomeini and co had paved the way for it all…Jimmy Carter comes through as an eminently decent man who does his best to defuse the crisis, without provoking any larger confrontation, and who refuses to make use of the crisis to bolster his plummeting ratings. He had returned the Panama canal and was behind the Camp David accord. He could have done a lot more had he continued for another term.

But to me what stands out is the sheer cussedness of the protesting Islamic students. I too had derived some satisfaction at the time that Uncle Sam was being so hugely embarrassed and humiliated though I was queasy about the fundamentalist forces at work.

Bowden remarks that arrogance and ignorance were the two most outstanding traits of the hostage-takers. Their revolutionary fervor is as touching as their naivete. They are convinced that the Great Satan was out to destroy the revolution and the embassy was a den of spies. They also wonder why the Blacks and other oppressed minorities would not raise in revolt.

(Funnily some Iranian leaders later insist  that the embassy seizure was itself engineered by the CIA with a view to bringing a bad name to Iran!)

They ill-treat the hostages like hell to the end.  Even when they are all released, students and fellow fanatics line up to insult the officials, push and shove them, as they walk towards the waiting aircraft. As one of the hostages muses, "They have neither decency, nor style..."

They could have seen them off with flowers, “Sorry, no hard feelings…” No, they won’t.

Such traits one can see in many activists on the Left to this day. Sad.

Friday, May 8, 2015

சுற்றுச் சூழல் அடையாள அரசியலுக்கு பலியாகலாமா?


இன்று (மே 8, 2015) டைம்ஸ் ஆஃப் இண்டியாவில் சர்ச்சைக்குரிய நியூட்டிரினோ திட்டம் குறித்து வெளியாகியிருக்கும் கட்டுரையிலிருந்து சில பகுதிகள்:

 தேனி மாவட்டம் போட்டிபுரம் எனும் கிராமத்தில் பொதுவிவாதம் நடந்தபோது, மாறன் என்பவர் அப்பகுதியில் இருக்கும் புதர்களைத் தான் எங்கள் பெண்கள் கழிப்பிடங்களாகப் பயன்படுத்தி வருகின்றனர், அதனை நாங்கள் இந்த ஆய்வரங்கத்திற்காக இழக்கத் தயாரில்லை என்றார். மேலும் அவ்வாராய்ச்சியினால் மக்களுக்கு பயன் ஏதும் இல்லை என்றார்.

கழிப்பிடம் இல்லையென்றால், அவற்றைக் கட்டித்தாருங்கள் எனக் கேட்பதுதானே நியாயம், மாறாக ஆய்வரங்கமே வேண்டாம் என்றால் எப்படி, தவிரவும் ஆராய்ச்சியால் உடனடிப் பயன் ஏதுமில்லாவிடினும், நீண்டகாலத்தில் ஒட்டுமொத்த சமூகமும் பயன்படத்தானே செய்யும் என்பது விஞ்ஞானிகளின் வாதம். ஆனால் மாறனோ எதையும் காதில் வாங்கிக்கொள்ளவே தயாரில்லை.

பூவுலகின் நண்பர்களோ, ”நாங்கள் ஒன்றும் முன்னேற்றமே வேண்டாமெனச் சொல்லவில்லை, இத்தகைய ஆராய்ச்சிகளில் இருக்கும் ஆபத்துக்களைத் தான் எடுத்துரைக்கிறோம். நியூட்ரினோ ஆய்வின் விளைவாய் கதிரியக்கம் வெளிப்படக்கூடும் இதை விஞ்ஞானிகளே ஒத்துக்கொள்கிறார்களே,” என்று பதிலளிக்கின்றனர்.

சுற்றுச் சூழல் ஆர்வலர்கள் அதிகம் படித்திராத மக்களிடையே இருக்கும் அச்சங்களைப் பயன்படுத்தி அவர்களைக் கொம்பு சீவி விடுகின்றனர், தேவையில்லாத சிக்கல்களை உருவாக்குகின்றனர், எந்த ஆய்வில்தான் ஆபத்தில்லை, அதையெல்லாம் பார்த்தால் நாம் முன்னேறமுடியுமா, எத்தனையோ விபத்துக்களைக் கடந்துதான் ஆங்கில மருத்துவமும் மற்ற பல துறைகளும் வியக்கத் தக்க சாதனைகளை நிகழ்த்தியிருக்கின. ஒட்டுமொத்த மானுடமும் அவற்றின் பயனை அனுபவிக்கின்றன என்பதும் நியூட்ரினோ ஆய்வை ஆதரிப்போரின் வாதமாக இருக்கிறது.

மேலும் தொண்டு அமைப்புக்கள் கிராமச் சூழல், அங்கே அன்றாட வாழ்வு, அம்மக்களின் பழக்கவழக்கங்கள் உள்ளிட்டவற்றை மையப்படுத்தி அவ்வப்போது பல்வேறு நிகழ்ச்சிகளை சென்னை போன்ற நகரங்களில் நடத்துகின்றன. அவற்றில் இயற்கை உணவு, உரங்கள், மூலிகைகள், நாட்டுப்புறக் கலை இவை முன்னிறுத்தப்படுகின்றன. அந்நிகழ்வுகளின் நோக்கம் அண்மைக்காலங்களில் வேலை வாய்ப்பு தேடி நகரங்களில்  குடிபுகுந்திருக்கும்  இளைஞர்களைக் கவர்வதுதான். கடந்த ஓராண்டில் சென்னையில் மட்டும் அத்தகைய நிகழ்ச்சிகள் பத்து அரங்கேயிருக்கின்றன.

குறிப்பிடத் தகுந்த தலித் சிந்தனையாளர் ஸ்டாலின் ராஜாங்கம் இயற்கையோடு இயைந்த வாழ்வு, உணவுப் பழக்க வழக்கங்கள், இவற்றை வலியுறுத்துவது சரி, ஆனால் எல்லாவற்றிலும் தமிழ் இன அடையாளத்தைக் கொண்டு வருவானேன் எனக் கேட்கிறார்.

(டைம்ஸ் ஆஃப் இண்டியா செய்தியாளர் அப்துல்லா நூருல்லா)


தமிழ் இன அடையாளம் பலதளங்களில் ஆர்வலர்களால்
வலியுறுத்தப்படுவது எனக்கும் ஏற்புடையதாய் இல்லை. எனவேயே இக் கட்டுரை.

தமிழ் இன அடையாளம் என்பதே தலித்துக்களுக்கு விரோதமாக அமைந்துவிடுவதைத் தான் மறைமுகமாக ஸ்டாலின் ராஜாங்கம் சுட்டிக்காட்டுகிறார் என நினைக்கிறேன். அவரது கவலையும் அச்சமும் சரியே.

தமிழ்த் தேசிய இயக்கங்கள் இன்று பிராமணரல்லாத, முற்பட்ட மற்றும் இடை நிலை சாதியினரின் கட்டுப்பாட்டில் இருக்கிறது என்று சொன்னால் மிகையில்லை.

அவ்வியக்கத்தை வழி நடத்துவோர் தலித்துக்களுக்கு விரோதமானவர்கள் அல்லதான், அவர்கள் நிலை குறித்து அவ்வப்போது ஏதாவது கவலை தெரிவிக்கவும் செய்வார்கள். ஆனால் தலித் பிரச்சினைகளில் பெரிதாக அக்கறை ஏதும் இருக்காது, தலித்துக்கள் மீது வன்முறை கட்டவிழ்த்துவிடப்படும்போது இத் தமிழ்த் தேசியர்கள் நேரடியாகத் தலையிடமாட்டார்கள், ஏதோ பொத்தாம் பொதுவாக அறிக்கை வெளியிட்டுவிட்டு அமைதியாகிவிடுவர்.

முன்னொருமுறை இது பற்றி விரிவாக விவாதித்திருக்கிறேன்:
https://goo.gl/5CcTGh

 இன அடையாள அணுகுமுறையினை நிராகரிக்கவேண்டியதற்கான வேறு  பல காரணங்களும் அக் கட்டுரையில் சுட்டிக்காட்டப்பட்டிருக்கின்றன.

பூவுலகினரைப் பொறுத்தவரை டைம்ஸ் ஆஃப் இண்டியா செய்தியாளர் கூறியிருப்பதைப் போல், அவர்கள் தமிழின அடையாளத்தைத் தொடர்ந்து முதன்மைப் படுத்தி வந்திருக்கின்றனர். எனக்கு அதில் நெருடல் உண்டு. அவ்வமைப்பினரிடம் நேரடியாகப் பேசாவிடினும் எனது கவலைகளை நான் தெரிவித்தே வந்திருக்கிறேன்

கூடங்குளம் உதயகுமார் தமிழின அரசியலுடன் ஒன்றியபோதும் அது தவறு என வாதிட்டிருக்கிறேன். அப்போராட்டக்குழுவில் உள்ள பலருக்கும் தங்களை பிரபாகரனின் தம்பிகளாகக் காட்டிக்கொள்வதில் மட்டற்ற மகிழ்ச்சி. வைகோவிலிருந்து சீமான் வரை எவ்வித நேர்மையும் இல்லாதவர்களையெல்லாம் வாரி அணைத்துக்கொள்கின்றனர். இவ்வாறு பச்சை சந்தர்ப்பவாதிகளுடன் கை கோர்ப்பது எவ்விதமான செய்தியை மக்களிடம் கொண்டு செல்லும் என்பது குறித்து அவர்கள் கவலைப்படவே இல்லை.


பிரபாகரனின் சகிப்புத் தன்மையற்ற அராஜகம், விடுதலைப் புலிகள் பொருளாதார அரசியலை ஏறத்தாழ முழுவதுமாகவே புறக்கணித்து தன்னின மேலாதிக்க சிந்தனைகளில் ஆழ்ந்தது இவற்றின் இறுதி முடிவுதான் முள்ளிவாய்க்கால் என்பதை தமிழ்த் தேசியர்கள் உணர்வதில்லை. பாசிசத்தின் முதற் படியே இன அடையாள அரசியல் என்பதை உலக வரலாறு மீண்டும் மீண்டும் பல்வேறு கட்டங்களில் சந்தேகத்திற்கிடமின்றி நிரூபித்தும், நம்மவர்கள் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளத் தயாரில்லை.

வேர்களை நாடிச் செல்லும் போக்கு சரியே. நாகரிகக் கனவுகளில் நாம் பாரம்பரியத்தின் ஆரோக்கியமான பல கூறுகளை இழந்துவிடுகிறோம். சுற்றுச் சூழல் ஆர்வலர்கள் அவற்றை மீட்டெடுப்பதில் காட்டும் அக்கறையும் பாராட்டுக்குரியதே.

ஆனால் பாரம்பரியத்தைக் காக்கும் முயற்சிகள் பழையனவற்றின் கோரமான பகுதிகளையும் நாம் ஆராதிப்பதாக முடியக்கூடும். தேசியம் பாசிசமாக மாறுவது அப்படித்தான்.

ஸ்டாலின் ராஜாங்கம் போன்ற தலித் முற்போக்கு சிந்தனையாளர்கள் அச்சப்படும் அளவு இருக்கிறது சுற்றுச் சூழல் ஆர்வலர்களின் மண் பற்று. 



கிராமங்கள் நமது கல்லறை. நகரமயமாதலே நம் விடியலுக்கு வழி என்ற ரீதியில் தலித் ஆர்வலர்கள் பேசும்போது அவர்கள் நவீனமயத்தின் நேர்மறை அம்சங்களைக் கருத்தில் கொள்ளத் தவறுகின்றனர் என்றுதான் நானும் நினைக்கிறேன்.

ஆனால் கிராமப்புற சமூக அடுக்குக்கள் பல பிரிவினருக்கு அநீதியைத் தொடர்ந்து இழைத்து வருகின்றன என்பதை பகிரங்க ஒப்புதல் பிரகடனமாக வெளியிடாமல், இயற்கையோடு இயைந்த வாழ்வு என்பதை மட்டும் பன்னிப் பன்னி சொல்லும்போது, ஜாட் சாதியினரின் காப் அல்லது நம் கவுண்டர், தேவமாரின் பஞ்சாயத்துகளை நம் ஆர்வலர்கள் romanticize செய்கின்றனரோ என சந்தேகங்கள் எழுவது தவிர்க்க இயலாதது .

எப்படியும் சுற்றுச்சூழல் ஆர்வலர்கள் இனவாத அரசியலால் ஈர்க்கப்படும்போது, அத்தகைய பிற்போக்கு அணுகுமுறைகளை நிராகரிப்போரிடமிருந்து விலகிச் செல்கின்றனர்.

இனவெறி கொக்கரிப்பிற்கு கை தட்டவென ஒரு கூட்டம் எப்போதுமே இருக்கும்தான். ஆனால் அது மைய நீரோட்டமாக மாற வாய்ப்பு அதிகமில்லை. அவ்வாறு மாறுவது நல்லதுமல்ல.





Saturday, April 18, 2015

Judicial Corruption Unlimited



(Adapted from the Tamil original carried in Savukkuonline.com)



So the Supreme Court has extended the bail for AIADMK supremo J Jayalalithaa and her co-convicts in the disproportionate wealth case till May 12.


This is certainly a setback for Amma – for uncertainty continues and so does the house arrest. And if the new bench prefers to go with Justice Madan B. Lokur, the case will have to be heard afresh in Bengaluru – so another three to four months for a verdict.

In case the final HC verdict is unfavourable, the SC can always come to her rescue, as had happened in the TANSI case a decade ago. At least such are the expectations in many quarters.

And so she and her minions should indeed be praying to all the gods they can think of that they are able to see through the case before Mr Dattu steps down as the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court.  

Thanks to his benign approach, she could not only move out of the stultifying and degrading confines of a prison, but the hearing in the appeal in the Karnataka High Court too was fast-tracked .

Mr Dattu has chosen to ignore all pleas to him to recuse himself from the case.

Born in Chigmagalur district of Karnataka, Handyala Lakshminarayanaswamy Dattu was enrolled as an advocate at the bar in 1975. He appeared as government counsel in the Karnataka High court for the sales tax department from 1983 to 1990, was government advocate from 1990 to 1993, standing counsel for the income tax department from 1992 to 1993 and a senior standing counsel for the Income Tax department from 1993 to 1995.

Dattu was appointed a judge of the Karnataka High Court on 18 December 1995. Thereafter, on 12 February 2007, he was elevated as the Chief Justice of the Chhattisgarh High Court. On 18 May 2007, he was transferred to head the Kerala High Court. He was elevated to Supreme Court in 2008 and sworn in as the 42nd Chief Justice of India in September last year.

Within a few weeks of his ascent to highest post in the Indian judiciary, the then Chief Minister of
John Michael D'Cunha
Tamil Nadu, J Jayalalithaa is convicted by special judge John Michael D'Cunha of the Karnataka High Court to a four-year term in the disproportionate wealth case and also slapped with a huge fine of Rs.100 crore.
The sentence is delivered on Sep.27 and bail is denied, resulting in her incarceration in Bengaluru itself.
Even as many wonder whether she might have to cool her heels there, the Supreme Court, now headed by Mr Dattu, comes to her rescue. And His Highness chooses to hear her bail plea himself instead of referring the case to any other bench.
Distinguished advocate Fali Nariman makes a forceful plea all right, and Mr Justice Dattu tries to show that he is a no-nonsense man by grilling the defence counsel, twitting him how long did it take the Karnataka special court to dispose of the case against Jayalaltihaa. Sheepishly Nariman admits, “Several years.”
Dattu retorts, “Wont you take 20 more years to fight out the appeal in the High Court?” The uninitiated might be forgiven if they laud the CJ for making it that difficult for the appellant.
But the question only facilitated a way out for Jayalalithaa – for Fali promptly offered to ensure that the writ appeal was argued out in just two months and the bench agreed, without any further ado.
Now remember here it took Kanimozhi and Raja more than six months to be released on bail, a year for Y S R Jaganmohan Reddy in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh, two years and eight months for Satyam’s Ramalinga Raju and three years and eight months for Janardhana Reddy of Karanataka in the mining scam.
Even Lallu Prasad Yadav and Om Prakash Chautala of Haryana had to struggle hard for a couple of months at least before getting the nod from the Supreme Court.
If Jayalalithaa had not been responsible for the violence, how come it all became quiet the moment she issued a statement exhorting her followers to maintain peace?
Anyway please note that as of Sep. 2014, there were as many as 63,843 cases pending. Then why the urgency in the case of Jayalalithaa, hearing out of turn and granting bail in just 21 days? And how could anyone, leave alone their Lordships, afford to forget she had done everything she could to subvert the course of justice and succeeded in protracting the course of hearing for an incredible 18 long years?
OK, if you are going to say in view of her eminence or whatever, why should the other
(Clockwise: Jayalalithaa, her confidante Sasikala, Sudhakaran, disowned foster son and Ilavarasi, widow of Sasikalaś brother Jayaraman)
convicts, Sasikala, Ilavarasi and Sudhakaran be shown similar consideration?
Also remember there are hundreds of thousands languishing in jails, without any chance of a bail whatsoever, irrespective of their sentence terms. 

How come such issues were not factored in by Mr Dattu when he so readily granted bail to a politician, notorious for her arrogance and corruption?
Even the insistence of a judgement in just four months from the high court could be said to have been a blessing in disguise for the appellant – possible she would succeed in the appeal and triumphantly reenter the portals of Fort St George. Was the CJ then not expediting the process please?
The Dattu saga doesn’t seem to end there. Our inquiries reveal there was pressure on  Karnataka Chief Justice D H Waghela to have a pliable judge to hear Jaya‘s bail plea, but in
Justice D H Waghela
vain.
The plea was turned down, and eventually Dattu sahib had to do the job himself.
Pressure was mounted yet again when the time came for the nomination of a judge to hear Jayalaltihaa’s writ appeal, still an upright Waghela wouldn’t give in.
Then it was widely rumoured that Waghela was being transferred out of Karnataka itself and a judge from Allahabad, Vineet Sharan, was being brought in.
The idea apparently was that when Waghela was transferred out, the man to assume charge as CJ would be Manjunath, seen as someone who would be more favourably disposed towards Jaya.
But the news was out in social media siteṣ. Savukku too reported the move on December 31, 2014.
Alerted to the grand plans, the very next day Waghela announced the appointment of Justice C R Kumarasamy to hear Jayalalithaa’s appeal. January 1 was a court holiday, still Justice Waghela made the announcement, perhaps because he wanted to warn all those concerned that he was the boss so long as he was around there and no messing around with him.
Sharan himself was not keen to move to Karnatka for his own reasons. Besides two judges of the Supreme Court had opposed the transfer.
But there was no resisting  the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Newspapers reported, “Justice Dhirendra Hiralal Waghela, Chief Justice of the Karnataka High Court, has been transferred to Orissa. He has been directed to assume charge as Chief Justice of the Orissa High Court within two months.”
Tamil Nadu leaders like former Chief Minister M Karunanidhi and PMK founder Dr Ramadoss have denounced the the transfer of Waghela.
Now with Waghela out and another person in, it would be possible to have a more ‘acceptable’ judge to hear Jayalalithaa‘s appeal in case in the High Court yet again. Such is the apprehension in many circles in Tamil Nadu.
The transfer orders were issued on April 12, a day before the National Judicial Appointments Commission Act came into force. If the transfer had been effected subsequently, that might be questioned during the hearing of the petition challenging the new Act. But Dattu Saheb has successfully forestalled such an eventuality.
Also look at the case of Justice R Bhanumathi who sat with Justice Madan Lokhur and upheld the appointment of Bhavani Singh. She was known to have been close to Jayalalitha when
Justices Lokur and Banumathi
she served in the Madras High Court. Reliable reports have it she had met the AIADMK supremo before she went to New Delhi to assume charge in August last year. In any case she had used a popular Tamil honorific while referring to Jayalaltihaa at a function and it is in Dattu‘s stint she has been appointed to the Supreme Court.

His Lordship has lost no time in constituting a new bench to hear the Bhavani Singh case, though normally such take a pretty long time to materialize. He has also directed that the new bench start hearing Anbazhagan‘s appeal from April 21.

They have to hear and pronounce a ruling one way or another after which only the Karnataka High Court can deliver its own verdict on Jaya’s appeal against her conviction. Quite a tortuous process that, considering our good Samaritan‘s term expires in December this yeaṛ.

But what if the new bench doesn’t oblige him and the hearing continues a bit longer, even stretches to December and beyond ! Where is the guarantee that Dattu’s successor would be equally considerate. One can now understand the anxiety on the part of all those involved.

We can draw our own inference from the fact that Mr Dattu has chosen to ignore all pleas for his recusal.

The Human Rights Protection Centre collected signatures from as many as one thousand advocates and presented a petition to the President of India demanding that Mr Dattu keep away from cases related to Ms Jayalalithaa. But the CJ would not heed.

That irrepressible activist Traffic Ramasamy too wrote to him seeking his recusal. When the matter was raised in the Supreme Court, Dattu shrugged it off, saying, "Somebody will say I have taken Rs.1,000 crore to grant bail etc. Don't worry. I can take care of it. I am too thick skinned for such allegations.


In the absence of any documentary evidence to show that Mr Justice Dattu has been compromised, one can only go by reasonable conjectures – and most point to his being guilty.

As with the TANSI verdict in November 2003, tongues are wagging about corruption in high placeṣ.

http://www.thehindu.com/2003/11/25/stories/2003112506160100.htm

And look at his generous certificate to Namo –
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Narendra-Modi-a-good-leader-human-being-Chief-Justice-of-India-HL-Dattu-says/articleshow/45830081.cms
Many might also remember the controversy over holding a meet of the judges on Good Friday recently.


Again Dattu sought to make light of it, but it is clear such gestures would go down well with the present dispensation.

Back in September 2009, in an interview to Tehelka, noted lawyer Prashant Bhushan had talked openly of corruption in the judiciary –  In my view, out of the last 16 to 17 chief justices, half have been corrupt. I can’t prove this, though we had evidence against
Punchi, Anand and Sabharwal on the basis of which we sought their impeachment.

http://archive.tehelka.com/story_main42.asp?filename=Ne050909half_of.asp

An enraged Supreme Court initiated contempt proceedings against Prashant Bhushan. But his father, another leading light, refused to be cowed down and went ahead to file an affidavit on his own, virtually repeating his son verbatim.


The case is still hanging fire, as the august judges cannot bring themselves to decide how to proceed further!

People at large might not be privy to details that lawyers like Prashant Bushan would be aware of. But it is generally perceived that K G Balakrishnan, who served as the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of India between January 2007 and May 2010, would surely find a place in the hall of notoriety.  He has been charged with accumulating assets disproportionate to his known sources of income, it must be noted.

http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/supreme-court-tells-government-to-decide-on-balakrishnan-case-481781

The track record of Justice P Sathasivam, who was the CJ between July 2013  and April 2014, is no less unedifying. When assuming charge, he was hailed as the first Tamil to adorn the prestigious chair, but he only brought greater disrepute to the office than any of his corrupt predecessors.
Pray, how come he managed to install himself at the Thiruvananthapuram Raj Bhavan, 
it is not difficult to imagine.
Just before his term ended, Justice Sathasivam was on the Supreme Court bench that scrapped a second FIR against Amit Shah in a fake encounter killing case, saying it was linked to the bigger Sohrabuddin Sheikh killing case and did not need to be separate.
It was that ruling which was linked to his appointment as Kerala Governor. He is the first former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court to become a governor, it may be stressed.
But he had played it safe, granting bail to Lallu too earlier ! Leaving nothing to chance, our illustrious Tamil friend.
http://www.ndtv.com/india-news/ex-chief-justice-as-governor-which-verdict-pleased-modi-amit-shah-asks-congress-657916
One might remember Sathasivam took everyone by surprise in by hinting judgement in the appeal for commutation of death sentence in the Rajiv assassination case was to be delivered soon -  it was a highly emotive issue in Tamil Nadu.  He had said so when the then Tamil Nadu Chief Minister J Jayalalithaa was going about imperiously demanding reprieve. Nothing like being in the good books of a powerful politiciaṇ.
But he is never indiscreet enough to put all the eggs in one basket. You never know after all! So also in the Rajiv killers’ case, first he sought to please Amma. But the ever wily Karunanidhi, knowing full well that Sathasivam was openly hinting at a reprieve that would only go to strengthen the hands of his bête noire,  took objection and said such judgement trailers, so to speak, were not oṇ. Our amazingly supple Sathasivam is nothing if not smart and so promptly referred the case to a constitutional bench, thus ensuring for years it would be on the back-burner.
But he is not resting on his oars simply because he has become a governor. He has been manouevering no end to become the chairman of the National Human Rights Commission, on Balakrishnan’s retirement.
Latest reports say Mr Sathasivam has succeeded in prevailing upon the Modi government.
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Sathasivam-may-take-over-as-NHRC-chief/articleshow/46952535.cms
Quite interesting this gentleman should aspire to follow so closely in the footsteps of his predecessor – though in a way he proved smarter than the other, in bagging governorship, and thus though Balakrishnan is a Dalit and should be carrying everything before him with just that tag alone.
And pray why Sathasivam should seek to ‘sacrifice’ all the perks and prestige of a Raj Bhavan tenure ? Well he is not being any humble or is so passionately concerned with human rights. Far from it. A New Delhi-based job, ensuring as it does proximity to the powers-that-be, holds out innumerable advantages. Our Sathasivam knows which side of the bread is buttered and how much !
Rightly did he admit judiciary was facing credibility crisis while participating in a function alongside Jayalaltihaa, when she was an accused in a corruption case (she’s now a convict)!
Is there any light at the end of the tunnel then ? There could be – but what we see at the moment is  the headlight of an oncoming train.